【特亜の紐付き海外紙！】⇒ 安倍首相へいわれなき不当な攻撃を執拗に繰り返す・・・

安倍首相勝利で改憲に近づく…愛国政策強化の可能性、海外メディア根強い懸念!

12月14日、衆議院の投開票日が迫っている。大方のメディアの予想は、自民党の圧勝だ。予想通り、あるいは、予想以上に自民党が勝利した後、日本の社会に起こるのはどのような変化なのか。海外各紙は、右派勢力の躍進に注目し予想と警告を報じている。

✦　特亜に人参を鼻先にぶら下げられて、意地汚く喰らいついたダボハゼ宜しくの海外紙！・・・

海外各紙と報じているが、・・・僅か３紙であり、しかも名うての『常連・反日新聞』である故に本来なら一顧だに値せずのクズ新聞であるが、クズである事を喧伝、拡散の為に取り上げる価値を認めました。

此の３紙とは！・・・

1）：The Washington Post（ワシントン・ポスト）

◼︎【Big win could help Abe pursue nationalist goals】：
◼︎【総選挙、自民党の大勝利は安倍首相のナショナリスト追求の最大の援護となる】

While Abe has put the economy at the center of the campaign, the platform of his Liberal Democratic Party also promises to revise Japan’s constitution and actively protest what it calls “wrongful accusations” about the country’s wartime past. Media polls pointing to a larger-than-expected victory have raised right-wing hopes that Abe could hold onto power for four more years, giving him time to try to tackle their more controversial goals.

“I must emphasize that a stable majority, as the media projects, makes constitutional revision a realistic option,” Satoru Mizushima, a leader of a nationalist group told viewers of a right-wing satellite and Internet TV channel. “Japan has been stuck with a U.S.-imposed constitution. In order to change the postwar regime, we must change the constitution. The upcoming election is a chance.”

How far Abe can get is another question. Constitutional change is a divisive issue in Japan, and a focus on nationalist issues is one reason cited for Abe’s downfall in a short-lived earlier stint as prime minister in 2006-07. Economic issues top voter concerns in polls, and an emphasis on his “Abenomics” policies has helped keep his popularity relatively high since he regained power in December two years ago.

The constitution was drafted by American forces that occupied Japan after its defeat in World War II, and has been interpreted to allow a military only for defensive purposes. What constitutes defensive purposes has been expanded over the years, most recently in July by a Cabinet reinterpretation of the constitution that allows the military to defend an ally, such as the U.S., in limited conditions under a concept known as “collective self-defense.”

While some Japanese are drawn to Abe’s attempts to project a stronger Japan to counter China’s rise, many embrace the constitution’s anti-war stance and are wary of any attempts to change that. Any nationalist-leaning initiatives would raise tensions with China and further sour ties with South Korea.

So Abe needs to tread carefully. At best, he may be able to take some baby steps forward, while actual revision depends on another like-minded politician reaching the premiership in a more distant future.

“We have finally built a bridge that we can cross toward constitutional revision,” he said in response to a question on the topic at an election debate. But noting that amendment requires approval in a national referendum, he added, “unfortunately I don’t think there is a growing desire for constitutional change among the public.”

The revisions proposed by the Liberal Democratic Party in its latest draft constitution in 2012 say that while Japan continues to renounce its right to use military force to resolve disputes, its military should be freer to engage in actions that maintain international peace and order. They would also make changes to promote patriarchal values and return the emperor to head of state, and allow freedoms such as speech and expression to be restricted if harmful to public interest.

A more immediate issue will be Abe’s position on World War II history, whether he will return to a shrine that honors convicted Japanese war criminals among the war dead, and what statement he will make on the 70th anniversary of the end of that war next August.

His visit to Yasukuni shrine a year ago, on the first anniversary of taking office, angered China and South Korea, and the U.S. took the somewhat unusual step of expressing official disappointment.

Statements by Abe and by conservatives he has appointed to the board of Japan’s national broadcaster have raised doubts about his commitment to an official apology Japan made on the 50th anniversary of the war’s end, and to a 1993 apology to Korean and other women who worked in military-run brothels during the war, many against their will.

James Schoff, a Japan expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, worries that a huge victory for Abe’s party could embolden him to pursue his nationalist goals, rather than focus on bolstering the economy and U.S.-Japan security ties.

“If Abe wins too big, he could actually get distracted, I think, by some other constitutional reforms and other bigger historical things that he wants to do,” said Schoff, a former adviser on East Asia policy at the U.S. Defense Department. “If he spends his political capital on those issues instead of on these other things that the United States is prioritizing, maybe we wouldn’t be as excited about that.”

The Washington Post　By Associated Press December 11

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/big-win-could-help-abe-pursue-nationalist-goals/2014/12/11/2bf16624-811e-11e4-b936-f3afab0155a7_story.html

以下の文脈は！、・・・・時間ない為に和訳は出来ず、ワシントン・ポスト（AP版＝アジア・太平洋）の記事を NewsShere  が要約したものを記しました。
赤字の英文を要訳したのが赤字の日本文です。

◆憲法改正：

　安倍晋三首相が、経済を選挙の主要な争点に置いた一方で、自民党は再び改憲論を持ち出した、と報じているのはAPだ。自民党の大々的な勝利により安倍首相が今後4年間首相に居座ることになるだろう。そうなれば、議論の激しいいくつかの課題が達成されることに、右翼主義者たちは期待を大きくしている、とAPは報じている。『日本文化チャンネル桜』の水島 総代表取締役社長は、「日本は、アメリカ製の憲法に固執してきた。戦後の体制を変革するためにも憲法を改正する必要がある。今回の選挙はそのための良い機会だ」（AP）と述べた。

　米シンクタンク『カーネギー国際平和基金』ジェイムズ・ショフ氏は、安倍首相が圧倒的な勝利を収めれば、さらに国家主義的目標に突き進むのではと不安視している。「もし、安倍首相の勝ちがあまりに大きいと、却って首相は方向を見失ってしまうだろう。改憲や望んでいた歴史観の大きな軌道修正などを追い求めるあまりにだ」（AP）

２）Reuters（ロイター）：　

◼︎【Japan PM Abe's base aims to restore past religious, patriotic values】：
◼︎【日本国の安倍首相は根源的な過去の宗教や愛国心を復元する事を目論でいる】：

(Reuters) - As Prime Minister Shinzo Abe promises voters a bright future for Japan's economy, key parts of his conservative base want him to steer the nation back toward a traditional ethos mixing Shinto myth, patriotism and pride in an ancient imperial line.　　　Proponents say such changes are needed to revive important aspects of Japanese culture eradicated by the U.S. Occupation after World War Two and to counter modern materialism.

Critics say they mirror the Shinto ideology which mobilized the masses to fight the war in the name of a divine emperor. The legacy of that war still haunts ties with China and South Korea nearly 70 years after its end.

A predicted landslide win by Abe's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in a general election on Sunday, called as a referendum on his economic growth policies, and prospects Abe may become a rare long-term Japanese leader have given his ardent supporters their best chance in decades of achieving their goals.

"We really have trust in him," said Yutaka Yuzawa, director of the Shinto Association of Spiritual Leadership (SAS), the political arm of the Association of Shinto Shrines. The group, which counts Abe as a member, is one of a network of overlapping organizations sharing a similar agenda.

"The prime minister's views are extremely close to our way of thinking," Yuzawa told Reuters in an interview.

Among the key elements of the SAS agenda are calls to rewrite Japan's U.S.-drafted, post-war constitution, not only to alter its pacifist Article 9 but to blur the separation of religion and state. Education reform to better nurture "love of country" among youth is another top priority.

"After the war, there was an atmosphere that considered all aspects of the pre-war era bad," Yuzawa said. "Policies were adopted weakening the relationship between the imperial household and the people ... and the most fundamental elements of Japanese history were not taught in the schools."

Similar concerns drive other organizations such as Nippon Kaigi (Japan Conference), a broader lobby group for which Abe serves as a "supreme adviser".

TEA PARTY PARALLELS

Experts see parallels between these groups and the U.S. Tea Party movement, with its calls to restore lost American values.

　"Nippon Kaigi and the Shinto Association basically believe the Occupation period brought about ... the forced removal of Shinto traditions from public space and public institutions," said University of Auckland professor Mark Mullins.

　"For them, this was authentic Japanese identity ... and to be an independent and authentic Japan again those things need to be restored.”

　Abe has long been close to such groups but they have increased their reach since his first 2006-2007 term as leader.　Membership data show 301 members of parliament, mostly from the LDP, are affiliated with the SAS, including 222 in the 480-seat lower house before the election. A Nippon Kaigi caucus had 295 members, including some opposition MPs.

Members of the groups are central to Abe's administration.

Nippon Kaigi supporters accounted for 84 percent of Abe's cabinet after it was rejigged in September and almost all ministers were affiliated with the SAS. Eighty-four percent also belonged to a separate caucus promoting visits to Yasukuni Shrine, seen by critics as a symbol of Japan's past militarism.

　Abe's December 2013 visit to Yasukuni sparked outrage in Beijing and Seoul. Far less attention was paid to what some see as his equally symbolic participation in October that year in a ceremony at Ise Shrine, the holiest of Japan's Shinto institutions.

　The ritual is held every 20 years, when Ise Shrine is rebuilt and sacred objects representing the emperor's mythical Sun Goddess ancestress are transferred to the new shrine.

Abe became only the second premier to take part in the centuries-old ritual, and the first since World War Two. "Without anyone blinking an eye ... it became a state rite," said John Breen, a professor at the International Research Center for Japanese Studies in Kyoto, commenting on Abe's participation.

The lobby groups are also active at the grassroots.

On Oct. 1, they launched the "People's Council to Write a Beautiful Constitution" to boost support for revising the charter in 2016.　Amending the constitution faces big hurdles even if the LDP succeeds in winning two-thirds of both chambers, since a majority of voters must then approve changes in a referendum.

　But other parts of the conservative agenda are moving ahead, such as making "moral education" part of the official school curriculum with government-approved textbooks, a change slated to take effect in 2018.　That follows a revision to a law on education during Abe's first term to make nurturing "love of country" a goal.

　"Things related to patriotic education are getting pushed through and institutionalized so they are shaping the next generation, whether parents know or think about it or not," the University of Auckland's Mullins said.

Reuters　（TOKYO Thu Dec 11, 2014 ）

http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/12/11/us-japan-election-tradition-idUSKBN0JP2E920141211

◆古き良き日本への回帰：

　2012年、自民党によって提案された改憲案は、家父長制を推進し、天皇を再び国家元首にすることなどの内容がみられるという（AP）。安倍首相の保守的指針は神道崇拝、愛国心、天皇を奉じるなどの伝統的民族主義への回帰だ、と同メディアは伝えている。首相の支持者らは、このような変化は必要だとの見方だ。現代の物質主義に対抗するため、戦後アメリカ占領により、消えてしまった重要な日本文化の再興を図るべきだというのだ。

　オークランド大学のマーク・ムリンズ教授は、「日本会議と神道政治連盟（SAS）などは、基本的に、（米軍による）占領で、神道の伝統が庶民の生活や意識から奪われたと考えている」、「彼らにとって、これは貴い日本のアイデンティティーだったし、独立性と日本の真価を蘇らせるために、必要なものだとみなしている」（ロイター）と語る。安倍首相が2006-07年の就任時から懇意にしているこれらの団体は、徐々にその影響力を強めている、とロイターは報じている。

　2018年からは、政府が承認した教科書を使用し、正式な科目として道徳教育が実施される予定だ。「国を愛する」心を育てることを目的にした、教育に関する法律が改正されたことに伴う動きだ。「愛国教育に関連した事柄が推し進められ、制度化されている。これらは、親たちが気づいていないとしても次の世代の思想を形成していく」（ロイター）とムリンズ氏はその影響を指摘した。


３）DIGITAL JOURNAL （デジタル・ジャーナル）

◼︎【Japanese right muzzling liberal media: Analysts 】：

BY 　※KYOKO HASEGAWA (AFP)  DEC 9, 2014 IN WORLD

◼︎【日本の右翼がリベラルメディアに口封じとアナリスト】：

A chill wind is blowing through Japan's media as a resurgent right pressures the country's liberal voices, in what analysts say presents a threat to democracy as voters prepare to head to the polls for a general election.

Cheered on by fringe groups, the mainstream right-wing press and the government of nationalist Prime Minister Shinzo Abe are tightening the vice on left-of-centre voices.

A letter sent last month from Abe's ruling Liberal Democratic Party to Tokyo-based broadcasters demanding "fair" coverage in the run-up to this weekend's vote sent a shiver through the industry.

While the wording was tame, it awakened an institutional memory of 1930s Japan, when the press was strictly censored as military rulers marched the country towards war.

Coupled with the coming-into-force this week of a state secrets act that opponents say will stymie legitimate media criticism, campaign groups are warning of an increasingly febrile atmosphere.

The Japanese chapter of PEN International, an association of writers, has warned the law means the government "can now conceal military, intelligence and any inconvenient information in an arbitrary manner," in what it called the "return of the heavy-handed state".

Broadcasters and newspapers should fight back against attempts to muzzle them, said Yasuhiko Tajima of Japan's Sophia University, one of several analysts to raise alarm over recent moves.

"Regardless of ideologies, right or left, the media's role is as a watchdog of power for citizens," he said. "Journalists shouldn't forget this principle -- media is very important to democracy."

- Wartime legacy -

But it is in the realm of Japan's powerful multi-million selling newspapers where the right is making the most notable headway.

Their biggest scalp is the country's premier liberal newspaper, the Asahi Shimbun, which in August retracted decades-old articles on Japan's wartime system of sex slavery, after years of calls for it to do so.

The paper admitted its chief source for the stories was not credible -- a fact long-since established -- and apologised. The company's president also resigned.

South Korean students carry funeral streamers during a memorial service for "comfort women" in Seoul in August 2012

Jung Yeon-Je, AFP/File

The Sankei Shimbun, a robustly nationalistic paper, and the right-wing Yomiuri Shimbun -- the world's biggest newspaper with 10 million copies sold daily -- devoted acres of coverage to the episode.

The Yomiuri published a book highlighting the error and accusing the Asahi of bearing "responsibility for harming Japan's national interest".

Last month it issued its own pointed "apology" for what it said was the use of "misleading expressions" in its English language version, which had referred to "sex slaves". The paper believes it is not proven that the women were coerced.

An Asahi boycott campaign spearheaded by online groups has presaged a more than 500,000 drop in the paper's circulation, to around 7.0 million currently according to the Japan Audit Bureau of Circulations.

Norikazu Kawagishi, a law professor at Waseda University, said the sight of Japan's right-of-centre media clubbing together with the government was a worrying one.

"Conservative media should be careful," he said, "because criticising the Asahi could deprive us of diversity in debates in our society."  

DIGITAL JOURNAL 

http://www.digitaljournal.com/news/world/japanese-right-muzzling-liberal-media-analysts/article/419704


◆言論の自由

　米『デジタル・ジャーナル』は、「日本の右翼がリベラルメディアに口封じとアナリスト」と題した記事を掲載している。

　10月、自民党が報道機関に、選挙について公正な報道を行うように要請したことは、1930年代の軍による言論統制を思い起こさせ、業界を震撼させた、と同紙は衝撃を伝えている。

　今週10日、反対派が政治的なメディア抑圧だと主張する特定秘密保護法案が施行された。文化団体『日本ペンクラブ』は、法律を危惧している。政府が「軍事行為やスパイ活動、その他のいかなる不都合な情報の隠蔽を思いのままにできる」「圧制的な国に戻る」（デジタル・ジャーナル）ことになる、と懸念している。

　上智大学の田島泰彦教授は、放送局や新聞社はこのような口封じに対し、抵抗するべきだと主張。「思想に関わらず、右であろうと左であろうと、メディアの使命は、国民の権利が守られるよう監視することだ」「ジャーナリストは、この原則を忘れてはいけない――民主主義にとって、報道は非常に重要なものだ」（デジタル・ジャーナル）

　またデジタル・ジャーナルは、朝日新聞が従軍慰安婦に関する記事を撤回・謝罪した件で、右派メディアのみならず、首相が名指しで批判したことは、一国の首脳として異例なことだ、と報じている。早稲田大学の川岸令和教授は、中道右派のメディアが政府の方針に合流する様子は、不安な状況だとみている。「保守メディアは、気をつけるべきだ」「なぜなら朝日を批判することは、人々の議論の多様性を奪ってしまうことになりかねないからだ」※KYOKO HASEGAWA (AFP) （デジタル・ジャーナル）

筆者註：　KYOKO HASEGAWA (AFP) の記事は種々の新聞社に（ジャパン・タイムズなど）に寄稿している。反日・サヨクと言えて記事の大半が反日感情が移入されている。

AFP：Agence France-Presse (AFP) is an international news agency headquartered in Paris
フランス・パリに本拠を置く、国際ニュースの配信会社。

NewsShere    ( 2014年12月13日)

http://newsphere.jp/politics/20141213-3/

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　

筆者考：

NewsShere が取り上げて紹介している海外3紙！・・・

ワシントン・ポストやデジタル・ジャーナルは反日の権化であり、品格もなく、特ア人が寄稿した記事ではないか？と思えるほどです。

特にKYOKO・HASEGAWAの寄稿記事の反日度は天を衝き

彼女の歪んだ感情は醜悪の一語に尽きる！。

KYOKO・HASEGAWAはジャパン・タイムズやニューヨーク・タイムズに寄稿しては日本国を、国民を毀損することに情熱を傾けている精神異常者と言える。

学歴、経歴は不詳で、ネットで検索しても網には掛からず、謎の人物です。

　意外と複数の語学の堪能な人物（日本人とは限らず）が豊富な文筆活動資金を特亜から与えられて、工作員（日本国毀損活動）として彼方此方のメデイアに寄稿しているのでは？と筆者は洞察しています。

比較的ロイターは過激な、安倍首相の批判は避けており、・・・辛うじて中立性、ジャーナリズム精神を保っている観が見受けられました。

ロイターもAPFと同様に国際的なニュースプレス（ニュース配信）であり、いわば商売敵となる。

それで、APFとは一線を画した記事となったのでは？と思います。

日本の粗大マスゴミと海外紙が連携しては、矢継ぎ早に安倍政権を狂気の如く攻撃の矢を放っている！・・・今日の選挙の結果で此等の攻撃の矢が無様に折れる事を筆者は祈ります。